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Yesterday was RI’s RTTT round one finalist interview.  Commissioner Gist and her team have been preparing hard and were in DC to talk with US DOE officials regarding their application for RTTT funds.  To be honest, even though I have so many reservations about the policies promoted by RTTT, I still hope RI is selected in the first round.

First, you’d be a fool to pretend that we couldn’t use the money.  There are times when I might believe that no money is better than money dedicated to the wrong things…kind of how progressive Democrats have balked at the watered down health care reform bills before Congress that lack the public option or single-payer ideals.  But, RI is really in no financial position to refuse money for any public services, and if the feds were to award our state with $125 million or so for schools, then I do believe it will open up options for innovative and progressive education reform, even if I might not agree with a good many of them.  Similarly, the US is in dire need of health care reform, and as imperfect as the current proposals are, even Dennis Kucinich has now said he will vote for the current health care bill.

Second, I actually think that if RI wins the money now in round one, the prospects for progressive education change would be better than if we are thrust into the frenzy of gearing up for a second round application.  Winning now means that RI will gain funds without lifting the current charter school cap, and even though there will be continued pressure for the state assembly to do so, the merits of arguments for and against such legislation will be less corrupted by its connection as a contingency to future funding.  Additionally, as districts and teacher unions continue to try and see eye to eye on reforms, they can negotiate without the stigma of blame that will be cast upon the unions should the first round application ultimately fail.  Basically, it would be nice to move away from the dog and pony show of the RTTT application process and closer to the real work of changing the ways we do education!

While media attention was (and is) still being showered on the unfortunate situation in Central Falls, Providence Public Schools’ superintendent Tom Brady announced the plans for the 5 schools targeted for reform by the state’s turnaround list.  Four of the schools–Charlotte B. Woods Elementary, Lillian Feinstein Elementary @ Sackett St., Roger Williams Middle School, and Cooley Health, Science, and Technology High School–have been slated for a unique approach to the “restart” option.  Feinstein High School will be closed, as it was also recommended for closure based on the “facilities master plan.”  Without delving into the legitimate concerns people have raised about the decision to close down Feinstein HS given its relatively strong academic outcomes as compared to other Providence public high schools, I want to reflect quickly upon the “restart” recommendations put forward for each of the other four schools.

My next RTTT analysis post will go into more detail about the various school turnaround models promoted by RTTT.  But, the “restart” option is actually in the RTTT initiative as an avenue for charter schools and other outside education management entities to enter into and take over district schools.  This is how most everyone has framed the “restart” option.  Kudos to RIDE, PPSD, and the PTU for seeing in this model a different possibility, one that maintains schools as part of the district and secures teachers’ jobs, but that also enables dramatic reforms.  Changes that will benefit students, like extended learning time, common and collaborative teacher planning time, and more effective (and hopefully informative) teacher evaluation practices, are on the table at these Providence schools and have the support of both teachers and administration.  As Central Falls taught us, this is no small feat.

Now, labor-management tensions and battles make for news headlines.  Meanwhile, when labor and management come together to respectfully engage their differences and move forward based on their common interests–in this case hopefully the education of students (naively hopeful, perhaps)–the news gets buried.  The diligent planning and engagement process orchestrated by the Providence Public Schools to come a decision regarding these changes should be lauded for its focus on compromise and collaboration between the teachers’ union and the district.

Such arrangements, which deviate from the main collective bargaining agreement with the consent of the teachers who work at a particular school site are the basis for promising school management models found in both Boston and New York City (amongst other places, I’m sure).  In Boston, the Boston Teachers Union worked with the district to create a collection of “pilot” schools at which teachers, who would remain full dues-paying BTU members, would negotiate school-based work agreements that could deviate from the main contract.  Similarly, there are a set of schools in New York City that are district schools, but with “School-Based Options” (SBO) that take effect when a 55% majority of the school-based union chapter agrees to specific contract modifications.  At the school I taught in, for example, we would vote every year to maintain our practice of weekly faculty meetings, over and above the monthly meetings required by the contract.  We did this not for additional pay, for there was none, but because we believed that in order to run a more effective school we should be communicating and learning together as an entire faculty at least on a weekly basis.  In part, these innovative arrangements were established in the mid-1990s to stave off an influx of charter school operators who would have operated outside of teacher union and district purview, draining members and money from the union and district.  The PPSD/PTU take on the “restart” option offered by the state seems to follow in the same vein, perhaps representing a back door opening to an opportunity for Providence “pilot/SBO” schools.

I do not want for a minute to take away from the significance of what seems like cordial relations between these two parties, and I am actually hopeful that this newfound collaborative spirit will result in better schools for students.  BUT, and you know there is always a “but,” I also see an opportunity here that doesn’t seem to be on the table.  Look at it this way: if the picture has been painted as a labor-management collaboration, what major stakeholder group is missing?  Students and students’ families.  If Providence is going to use the “restart” model as a way to innovate new labor-management relations, why not also see it as a way to authentically engage and empower parents, students, and other community-based stakeholders as leaders and decision-makers alongside the education professionals?  As long as we’re exploring the possibilities of new leadership and management models, why not push the envelope and truly empower some indigenous leadership (because, let’s face it, most teachers and administrators are NOT from the communities in which they teach and lead)?  So, while I applaud the collaborative efforts that seem to be moving forward, I strongly urge district officials and teachers to be even more forward thinking and seek out parent, student, and community-based leadership that will help them build and sustain the wonderful schools our city’s children so desperately need, desire, and deserve.

The ProJo called the union-management collaboration “revolutionary” for Providence, but I’ll believe that when I see these same educational leaders genuinely look to parents, students, and everyday community members for leadership and guidance.  When all of these stakeholders have equal power and say in what goes on in our schools, then maybe we can start talking about an educational revolution.  Until then, it’s up to those of us who are and/or work with parents, youth, and community-based organizations to stake our claim and our right to have control over our public education system.

The RTTT initiative highlights four major priority areas: 1) Standards & Assessments; 2) Data Systems to Support Instruction; 3) Great Teachers & Leaders; and 4) Turning Around the Lowest Achieving Schools.  On the surface, these areas not necessarily problematic.  They are all things about which those concerned with public education should be deeply concerned.  In the RTTT application each of these areas was assigned point values and the application delineated subsections within which states needed to articulate their reform plans.  These point values indicate the relative importance of each priority area and also can provide some insight as to what state officials will be most concerned with when it comes to shoring up RTTT applications that fall short of a winning mark.  In rank order of point values here are the priority areas listed again:

1) Great teachers and leaders – 138 points

2) Standards and assessments – 70 points

3) Turning around the lowest achieving schools – 50 points

4) Data systems to support instruction – 47 points

Two other major areas of the application were assigned point values: “State success factors” (125 points) and “general” (55 points).

Given the RTTT priority areas, the recent education policy priorities set by Commissioner Gist upon the start of job in July 2009 come as no surprise.  Consider RIDE’s five priority areas: 1) Ensure educator excellence; 2) Establish world-class standards and assessments; 3) Accelerate all schools toward greatness; 4) Develop user-friendly data systems; and 5) Invest our resources wisely.  The first four areas listed here correspond directly with the RTTT priority areas, while investing resources wisely is definitely a good priority to have when asking the federal government to invest an extra $125 million in your state.  In fact, essentially every educational initiative pursued in RI within the past 8 months can be traced back to a particular priority promoted by the RTTT initiative.  And this is not necessarily to a fault, if any of us were in Commissioner Gist’s shoes we’d be hard pressed to do otherwise, as doing so would jeopardize RI’s chance at gaining a significant new chunk of federal monies.

At this point readers might be wondering what the problem is.  I admit again, the RTTT and RIDE priority areas themselves do not seem problematic on the surface.  Who would be against things like great teachers and leaders and turning around low-performing schools?  Certainly no one who is genuinely committed to providing a high quality education to all students regardless of where they live and what schools they attend.  And, shouldn’t we have high standards and use data to improve classroom instruction and educational decision-making?  Of course we should, especially to fight against the much too common bigotry of low expectations and unfounded educational practices that plague too many classrooms disproportionately populated by low-income students of color.

But, as the old adage goes, the devil is in the details.  Each RTTT priority area is actually broken down in great detail, outlining a variety of subsections within the larger categories.  Even more revealing than the overall RTTT categorical point values are the values assigned to these subsections.  These subsection point values signal which devil to focus on in the details.  Here are the 5 most valuable subsections within the application:

1) Articulating State’s education reform agenda and Local Education Agencies’ (LEAs’) participation in it – 65 points (45 of which are connected to support from superintendents, school boards, and teachers’ unions) – part of “State success factors.”

2) Improving teacher and principal effectiveness based on performance – 58 points – part of “Great teachers and leaders.”

3) Developing and adopting common standards – 40 points – part of “Standards and assessments.”

4) Turning around the lowest-achieving schools – 40 points (35 of which are connected to the state’s support for LEAs in implemented one of the four school intervention models: turnaround, restart, closure, or transformation) – part of “Turning around the lowest-achieving schools” (yes, the subsection has the same name as the major category).

5) Ensuring successful conditions for high-performing charter schools and other innovative schools – 40 points – part of “General.”

It is the manifestation of these and other subsections that lead me to seriously question the priorities of RTTT.  When one stops to consider the practical implications of these subsections, it becomes easier to predict the problematic outcomes likely to result from the education reforms that RTTT is forcing upon states throughout the country.  To draw out what I see as problematic in more detail, I will address each of the most highly valued subsections noted above over the course of my next few posts.  Stay tuned :)

Alright, so lack of potential funding aside, a sneaky policy that amounts effectively to an education mandate for the vast majority of the country wouldn’t be so bad if the policy priorities were good right?  Much like how many argue that teaching to the test isn’t so bad if it’s a good test.  Well, yes and no.  I’ve yet to see the standardized test that is good if merely “taught to” by teachers, even the much lauded MCAS exams of Massachusetts, a state that gets so much praise for its “high standards” and above average outcomes.  When so much pressure is put upon teachers to churn out students who can perform well (or well enough) on standardized exams, the inevitable outcome is dumbed-down curriculum that lacks innovation or creativity.  Teachers become less interested (and supported) in practicing the art of curriculum design and lesson planning, and more intent on implementing broad content coverage to meet preconceived, and often prepackaged, goals.  In fact, one need to look no further than the city of Providence for evidence in its new prepackaged curriculum, so rigid in its form and method of delivery that the district is planning to dismantle years of positive reform at Hope High School in part so that Hope can conform to the rest of the district by abandoning block periods in favor of the traditional 50-minute classes necessary to deliver the new curriculum.

On the other hand, when I was teaching in New York City, as much as I hated preparing students for the multiple choice section of the US History Regents Exam, I loved teaching Document Based Questions (DBQs).  DBQs were fun, they were creative, and most importantly they were focused on important and transferable skills.  If students mastered the skills necessary to complete a DBQ, they could do any DBQ thrown at them.  This was much different than needing to know the details of the Homestead Act (how many reading actually know that is?) in order to choose the correct multiple choice answer for the question about it that would show up on about 1 out of every 3 Regents Exams.  For DBQs, students had to read a set of documents, and answer questions based on the information in the documents.  Cursory knowledge of the historical topic addressed by the documents was helpful, but not always necessary (kind of how most people actually read news articles).  They then had to construct a written essay in response to a question posed, which usually invited some level of analysis of the various perspectives taken across the set of documents.  These tasks required skill, not content regurgitation.

Herein lies my problem with RTTT.  The RTTT application required no skill, merely content regurgitation.  Nothing about RTTT leads me to believe that we are actually going to be trying anything new for schools, teachers, families, and students, because no one was asked to think about anything new.  Sure, get rid of all the teachers in Central Falls, but what’s in the plan to ensure that those who replace them are going to actually do anything different?  In short, RTTT is a bad test, but it’s one to which states like RI are teaching.  This teaching, like the kind being newly promoted in many districts across the country, is deskilled.  And, just as we fool ourselves into thinking that scripted curricula will help struggling teachers teach better, many are foolish to think that prescriptive education reform agendas will result in significant and qualitative change for the disproportionately low-income students of color who have been met with disservice and failure on the part of the education system since its inception.

But, of course, I have yet to discuss in detail why I think the RTTT priorities are not what we need to be focused or tested on.  My next few posts will address specific priority areas to point out how the surface they seem strong, but then quickly turn into fallacies.

The US DOE announced 16 finalists for first round RTTT funding today.  RI is on the list.  This means that RIDE officials will travel to DC in the couple of weeks to make their case for why RI should be one of the finalists actually chosen to receive funds.  The US DOE press release says that they want to hear from applicants “to ensure that the state has the understanding, knowledge, capacity, and the will to truly deliver on what is proposed.”  Thus, RIDE officials will have to convince US DOE folks that RI can follow through on what is proposed and is in a position to deal with some of things that are blemishes on the application (i.e. charter school caps, lack of funding formula, general lack of teacher union support).

There will be “very few” winners in phase 1, setting up “robust competition” during phase 2 according to the US DOE.  Thus, in any case we can expect the flurry of policy pressure described in my last post because either RI won’t get chosen as a winner, setting up a new push to be a phase 2 winner (applications for which will be due June 1st), or they will be chosen and Commissioner Gist will have to make good on likely promises to lift charter caps, establish a funding formula, and subdue teachers unions.

My last post in this series ended with RI’s entry into the RTTT fray.  This entry meant that the RI Department of Education (RIDE) would need to put together a compelling application to be considered alongside the other 40 some-odd states that applied for the competitive funds.  Because of the way that RTTT has been framed, it seemed that states would need to spend lots of time thinking hard about what innovations and creative solutions they might propose to set them apart from the competition, right?  Wrong.  The US DOE was not the least bit interested in innovation and creativity.  And even though Duncan spends time saying that his office is not interested in creating programs (see Duncan at Harvard post), they have set forth a narrow scope of program prescriptions for states to follow, at least those who want a chance at the extra federal monies.  This is the genius of RTTT as a public policy.

First, consider RTTT in the context of the current economic times.  There are few, if any, states that can realistically afford not to apply for funds.  There are few state commissioners of education who are in a position of saying, “thanks, but no thanks,” to a federal education grant.  Thus, state education officials like Commissioner Gist, regardless of their personal beliefs about the types of reforms being promoted through RTTT, have their hands forced into submitted an application for the funds.  Duncan and Obama know this, and thus expected that the vast majority of states across the country would submit RTTT applications, and in doing so, would try their hardest to shift the policy contexts within their states to align as closely as possible with RTTT priorities.  They didn’t need a mandate, they just needed a policy that would exploit the vulnerability of states’ economic circumstances.

Naomi Klein has coined the term “disaster capitalism” in her book The Shock Doctrine to explain how US “free market” philosophies have been used repeatedly through recent history to exploit public disorientation in the aftermath of collective shocks or disasters.  While her book mostly discusses shocks such as wars, terrorist attacks, and natural disasters, I don’t think it is a stretch to consider the current economic crisis as having the effect of a collective shock on much of US society.  It is in this context of economic crisis that RTTT employs the mechanisms of free market, disaster capitalism to effectively force education policy change.  Remember, RTTT is part of the Stimulus Package.  With little choice but to apply, states have little choice but to conform.

Next, if the US DOE’s priorities weren’t clear in their RTTT RFP, The New Teacher Project (an organization founded by Teach for America alum, formerly headed by Michelle Rhee, that offers an alternative route to teacher certification in cities throughout the country) produced and circulated an RTTT application and policymaking handbook for state officials to utilize in putting together competitive RTTT applications.  If one takes a close look at the content guidelines laid out by TNTP and the content found in the actual application submitted by states like RI they are similar if not essentially mirror images, thus calling into question any semblance of innovation or creativity that one might expect in a truly competitive application process.  In this case, the feds are less interested in what good ideas that individual states might have, and more interested in how well prepared they are to implement the ideas that have been handed down.  In other words, how much have you, in your state, been able to shift the policy context such that RTTT priority areas are likely to succeed?  Thus, things in RI like a current cap on the number of charter schools and the lack of a state education aid funding formula hurt the application.  But, things like Commissioner Gist’s aggressive school turnaround actions that have begun even before the RTTT awardees have been announced will be looked upon favorably.

Finally, the last piece of public policy brilliance is found in RTTT’s multiple rounds of awards.  The current stimulus money is going to be doled out in 2 or 3 rounds of awards, and when speaking publicly Duncan alludes to more, without actually saying where the money would come from.  We are about to hear (maybe even today) who the lucky winners are for the first round of funds.  This announcement will not only move RTTT priorities forward in these states, but more importantly it will set off a flurry of activity in the states that were not chosen so that they might have a better chance in round two.  The states that win in the first round will most likely be states that have most of their ducks in a row, that is, they will already have established the policy context necessary for RTTT priorities.  The states that have a viable shot at second round funding will most likely be short in an area or two and will get to work on “fixing” them as soon as possible.  For example, if RI doesn’t receive funds you can expect that there will be aggressive legislative pushes for a lifting of the charter school cap and the establishment of a funding formula (only one of which I would support…but that’s another post).  You can also expect the further vilification of teachers and teachers unions as they by and large did not support the states RTTT application.  The message will be that RI had a strong application but for these areas and if these conditions change, then RI will be in a better position for round two funding.  Thus, the multiple rounds of funding also act as a mechanism to continue to force policy upon states without an actual mandate.

In the end though, realize that only 10-15 states will receive RTTT funding, yet the 40+ who have applied will have been working diligently to create policy contexts in their states aligned with RTTT priorities.  Thus, what we will be left with is a majority of states who have shifted their policies with hopes of being funded, but who will not be a position fiscally or mechanically to actually follow them through.  The effect?  An unfunded mandate in a new sneaky guise.

Diane Ravitch has changed her tune.  In this short NPR Morning Edition clip she acknowledges that in the past she has been know as a conservative school reform advocate.  Yet, now as she sees how current reform trends continue to wrest power away from students, families, teachers, and communities, she has been speaking out strongly against these trends!  I just wanted to get this out there to people…more later ;)

A very interesting quick statistical analysis of the achievement outcomes, education spending, and student needs in Central Falls, RI was posted on Bruce Baker’s blog, an Associate Professor in the Graduate School of Education at Rutgers.  Dr. Baker is an expert in school finance policy and teacher/school labor markets.  Anyhow, his “quick and dirty analysis” (as my stats Professor Judy Singer would say) implies that when looking at Central Falls student achievement outcomes in the context of statewide achievement trends, controlling for education spending and student need (as indicated by a poverty level proxy), the outcomes are as one might predict, and are certainly not an anomaly within the state.  Put this quick and dirty finding in the context of the fact that RI is the only state in the country without state public education funding formula and one might be less shocked at the dismal educational outcomes we find in CF.

Now, there are plenty of holes in Dr. Baker’s quick statistical analysis.   For example, the model doesn’t account for the extremely high student push out rate–more popularly called drop out rate–in CF.  Students who are not in school are obviously not included in test score data, thus when other communities push fewer students out of school, they are then including more students in their test score data.  The achievement, or lack thereof, of students who are no longer in high school–over 50% by most estimates in CF–is not counted for or against the district in terms of test scores.  But, it still raises an important issue before we go on believing that merely firing all the teachers in CF will actually help solve anything.

I believe it is fair and necessary to expect the world of teachers.  We need to expect teachers to be ready and willing to do whatever it takes to ensure the quality and effective education of students.  But while we hold this expectation we have an equal obligation to provide the necessary supports and resources for teachers to do their jobs effectively.  When data like Dr. Baker’s suggest that CF is under-resourced (and we know this to be true because of RI’s antiquated state education funding mechanisms), it is not too much of a stretch to assume that the teachers in CF are under-supported.  Just as we can’t expect students to learn without the proper supports, we can’t expect teachers to teach without just the same.  Instead of focusing on getting rid of teachers, we need to focus more on getting support for teachers so that they can better do their jobs.  And, instead of rallying to save their jobs, teachers need to rally to demand the kinds of resources and support that they need to do better at their jobs (and should have been rallying for past umpteen years in CF, not just now when their personal livelihoods are at stake).  Then, if we can document all the units of support provided and student achievement is still not improving, start the paper trail, and fire teachers with just cause.

People keep asking me if there is some sort of useful resource out there laying out criticisms of the US Department of Education’s Race to the Top (RTTT) school reform plans.  I’m not sure what’s out there, but I hope to provide an analysis of RTTT through the telling of what’s been going on in RI from my point of view.  So, here goes…

The Elementary and Secondary Education Act (in its most recent form known as No Child Left Behind) might be up for re-authorization sometime within the next year, but that hasn’t stopped the start of a new education reform era: The Race to the Top.  If you’re even peripherally connected to public education, you’ve probably heard of the Race to the Top (RTTT) in the past few months as state education officials all over the country raced to get their RTTT applications submitted to the feds.  But, you might be wondering: why has everyone been in such a tizzy?

A small part of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (otherwise know as the “Stimulus” package) dedicated approximately $4.3 billion to education reform.  These funds are being administered through a competitive grants program managed by the US Department of Education named Race to the Top.  As Duncan launched his “NCLB Listening and Learning Tour” in the late spring of 2009, he was really less interested in listening and learning about people’s experiences with NCLB, and more intent on pushing what amounted to an RFP outline for RTTT funds.  And then, just in case folks still hadn’t heard about what the Obama administration has in store for our public schools, Duncan launched another tour, this time with Newt Gingrich and Al Sharpton, and continued to promote a narrow reform agenda that threatens to entrench some of NCLB’s worst legacies.  Once again, the ones on tour did most of the talking and it soon became clear who was supposed to be doing the listening when Duncan & Co. made their appearances.

In the littlest state in the union, newly minted State Education Commissioner Deborah Gist listened carefully.  Gist arrived to Rhode Island fresh off of her previous job as the State Superintendent of Education in Washington, DC.  Her days in DC (from the Clinton administration forward) may have helped Gist to translate Duncan’s RTTT policy plans more quickly than others less familiar with the federal policy scene.  She soon released newly articulated statewide priorities directly aligned with RTTT priority areas.  Rhode Island had officially entered the Race to the Top.

(The next post in this series will use RI’s example to begin exploring how RTTT’s brilliance and simplicity has exploited the economic crisis to spell danger for public education throughout the country.)

Not really.  But, some individual professors did.  As noted in the Arne Duncan at Harvard post, two professors at HGSE asked challenging questions of Duncan.

Karen Mapp, who’s expertise lie in the area of family, school, and community partnerships, decried the recent de-funding of Parent Information Resource Centers, the only federally funded program in the country that concentrates on helping families get connected to their children’s education.  Of course, Duncan didn’t have a response other than that he doesn’t think the US DOE should be creating programs, just funding ones that are out there that work.  He implied that if states came to them with examples of programs that are working, then they’d fund them.  Only, in the meantime the programs that are working (like the Rhode Island Parent InformationNetwork – RIPIN) will lose funding and thus have their success derailed.

Susan Moore Johnson, an expert in the area of teachers unions, merit pay, and teacher retention, pointed out the inherent tensions found between Race to the Top reform priorities and most states’ collective bargaining laws.  RTTT is decidedly anti-union and seems to provide multiple pathways to bypass collective bargaining agreements between teachers unions and school districts.  According to Dr. Moore Johnson she hasn’t seen any state statutes in a place like RI that actually give districts the authority to ignore their collective bargaining agreements with local teachers union, and questions whether any federal policies even provide such cover.  The implication is that for a place like Central Falls, RI ,where the district has fired ALL the teachers in the high school and where there is no room for a reshuffling of these teachers into different schools (as might happen in a larger district with multiple high schools), the job actions taken against teachers are without cause and thus effectively illegal.  Without passing judgment on whether or not she thinks these decisions are good ones, Dr. Moore Johnson definitely seemed to question the thinking behind RTTT which has created the conditions for a “perfect storm” with regard to public schools, labor relations, and actual education-based decision making.

And of course credit goes to portions of the student body who do not buy into Duncan’s plans hook, line, and sinker.  There were challenging questions about RTTT’s focus on competition instead of collaboration, the potentially detrimental effects some of its priorities could have on students with disabilities, and the marginalization of art education.  (As an aside, Professor Thomas Hehir recently testified before the US House Committee on Education and Labor about charter schools discriminatory practices toward students with disabilities).  Then, that evening there was yet again a capacity crowd gathered to listen to Dr. Jeff Duncan-Andrade from San Francisco State University.  Dr. Duncan-Andrade’s message is quite different than the Education Secretary’s.  His message challenges the status quo in a way that Secretary Duncan cannot fathom, and I guarantee that the student body would follow Duncan-Andrade over Duncan into the educational battlefield if given the choice.

As for the institution of HGSE, it still isn’t clear where it stands.  Not that one would expect a place like Harvard, the bastion of some of the most elite interests in the world, to come out with anything radically mind-blowing.  So, while individual professors and students may find the courage to stand up and challenge the dangerous directions in which Arne Duncan is leading current educational reform policies, I think it is safe to say we’ll continue to hear not even a peep from the institution itself, which will instead hide behind its superficial claim to be “pushing the frontiers of education.”

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